The structure of employment has changed with The industrialization and modernization of Vietnam, but changes in the structure of employment have been slow. In fact, 55 per cent of workers still work in the agricultural sector. The slow change in the structure of employment is due, inter alia, to under-qualified and low-skilled human resources. Employment in Vietnam is characterized by a high proportion of workers in the informal economy, including self-employed and homeowners, self-employed farmers and micro-enterprises in rural and urban areas. Workers in this sector were less protected and more vulnerable: they were not regulated by labour law and were not covered by compulsory social security systems. See the table below. In your opinion, which countries are the richest and poorest because of the structure of employment? The structure of employment in a country shows how the labour force is distributed between the primary, secondary and tertiary sectors. Different regions have different employment structures. The employment structure of a particular country can tell you a lot about its economy.

Manifestations of these changes include the emergence and establishment of various forms of employment that are explicitly short-term (temporary hiring, temporary work), may be mediated by an intermediary (a for-profit or non-profit time/staff service provider), or may be the result of contractual agreements between two companies (e.g. the staff of a janitor subcontractor), thus creating a triangulation A working relationship arises. Self-employed contracts have also become more common – a situation where individual workers are treated as self-employed under the law, i.e. not as employees, while they are economically dependent on a relationship with a single buyer of their services. Geographers are increasingly interested in the form, character and impact of “professionalized” employment structures and the so-called “knowledge economy” in which these jobs predominate. Large metropolitan labour markets in central regions tend to be characterised by increased demand for and supply of highly skilled labour. As such, they are prime locations for “dual-career households” with two partners looking for a professional career. Conversely, the knowledge-based economy in peripheral rural areas is “flatter”, productivity tends to be lower, and people face increasingly less diversified employment opportunities. The Israeli education system faces several challenges. The first and most visible of these challenges is the lack of demand from the teaching profession.

cumulative damage to the teacher`s image; changes in the employment structure of the Israeli economy, including increases in higher status and higher-paid professional sectors; the increasing complexity of the teacher`s work; and the higher average age of the teaching population – all these things have led to a situation where only profound changes will attract young people with cultural/educational capital and personal charisma to the 45,000 classrooms of the Israeli education system. A second challenge concerns the clear choice of a pedagogical strategy. In the years of its existence, the standards of the Israeli education system traditionally revolved around enrollment exams that were taken at the end of Grade 12. However, the penetration of high-stakes tests at all levels of education, including early childhood, has created a situation full of contradictions. Those who support this approach see it as an important, if not the only, tool for improving academic achievement across the country. Critics see it as harmful to the processes of knowledge construction and the culture of the mind through the development of thinking skills, and see it as a return to mechanistic and formal teaching methods. Those who oppose the standardization process see the development of ICTs as a golden opportunity to create new teaching methods that are stimulating and relevant to the world of students, and they believe that the education system should in no way miss its chance to integrate ICT into the teaching and learning process. Therefore, the great challenge today is to choose a clear pedagogical strategy capable of resolving the existing contradiction. Although employment evolves in this way, it remains the main means by which basic social protection services continue to be provided. For example, in the United States, which has relied on employers` social protection benefits to be provided either voluntarily (encouraged by tax deduction incentives) or through scarce mandates, regulatory attention has focused on mechanisms that enable workers to better meet their care obligations.

For example, family leave – leave to care for a sick child or parent – has been the subject of U.S. legislation (1993), ongoing activism at the federal and state levels, and innovative benefits policies of some large employers. A second defining feature of geographic research on well-being, combined with this empirical analysis of socio-spatial conditions, is an ethical obligation not only to understand the world, but also to examine the normative status of this reality and the structures and processes that continually reproduce it. In other words, there is a desire in the geography of well-being to think critically about the descriptive understanding of spatial (in)equality and to bring this reflection to a consideration of its ethical meaning in relation to spatial (non)justice, (in)equality or spatial (in)equity. It is difficult to find simple answers and general agreement on the ethical concerns of the geography of well-being. Alternative normative, ideological and political perspectives can lead to alternative views and interpretations of what is “right” and “unjust”. One of the first criticisms of Smith`s work by Marxist scholars like Harvey was the neglect of the broader structures and power relations of the entire economic, social, and political capitalist system. Regardless of normative perspectives, individuals positioned differently within this broader capitalist system must win/lose more or less through its current structure, functioning, and distributive outcomes. In this context, there is an incentive and tendency for those with the greatest power to take advantage of existing processes and inequalities and to consider these outcomes as “just” and “deserved”, that is, to see them as a reward for effort, hard work or abilities. This “debate on the structure of agencies” is a key aspect of the ethical concerns that run through the geography of well-being. There is an obligation in his science to keep an eye on the ways in which the powerful structures that determine various aspects of an individual`s life are beyond that individual`s control.

There is also an obligation to consider the impact of this structural organizational balance on our understanding of results, accountability and equity. Research in the geography of well-being, for example, highlights the difficulty of ethically defending the idea that the magnitude of poverty and global inequality (recently exacerbated) is “deserved”. The argument against merit is based on empirical evidence that the vast majority of income disparities in the world can be explained by two factors that are distributed to us by gross happiness and without meritocratic content: country of birth and parental income.